Politica e Istituzioni
The Inevitable Reckoning: Europe’s Strategic Dependency and the Price of Decades of Abdication
The foundational infrastructure of U.S. military power in Europe — Ramstein, Aviano, and Sigonella — will remain. These installations are too deeply embedded in America’s global operational architecture to be sacrificed on the altar of transatlantic politics. But their continued presence should not be mistaken for validation of European strategic behaviour. They serve American interests first. That Europe benefits from them is, at this point, more a historical accident than a deliberate alliance bargain honoured in good faith.
Eighty Years of Strategic Infantilism
The record is unambiguous and damning. Since the end of the Second World War, European governments have made a considered, rational — and deeply cynical — choice: to allow the United States to bear the overwhelming cost of continental security while redirecting domestic resources towards social spending, industrial subsidies, and the construction of an elaborate institutional architecture in Brussels that produces communiqués rather than capabilities.
NATO’s two-per-cent GDP defence spending target — modest by any serious strategic standard — was formally agreed in 2006. Two decades later, the majority of European member states still had not met it. This is not an oversight. It is a policy choice, repeated across successive governments of every ideological stripe, reflecting a continent-wide consensus that American guarantees were permanent, unconditional, and at no cost.
That consensus was always a fantasy. It has now met reality.
Opportunism as a Governing Philosophy
What makes Europe’s failure particularly striking is not merely the underinvestment — it is the opportunism that has accompanied it. European governments have consistently proved adept at invoking alliance solidarity when it suits their interests and abandoning it the moment it demands sacrifice or coordination.
The response to the current moment is characteristic. Rather than acknowledging decades of shortfall and moving urgently towards self-sufficiency, significant portions of the European political class have chosen indignation — casting American frustration as betrayal and Washington’s entirely reasonable demand for burden-sharing as evidence of geopolitical treachery.
Chancellor Merz’s confrontational posture towards Washington is, in this light, less a principled stand than a domestically convenient deflection from Germany’s own extraordinary failures — a country that spent years deepening its energy dependence on Russia while simultaneously resisting defence expenditure, and which now presents itself as the aggrieved party.
Why Europe Will Never Be a Unified Strategic Actor
The current crisis also exposes, with unusual clarity, the structural reasons why European strategic unity is not merely unrealised but unrealisable in any meaningful timeframe.
The European Union’s fundamental incoherence on security matters is not a technical problem awaiting a technical solution.
It is an expression of irreconcilable national differences that no institutional framework has bridged, nor is likely to bridge.
The Baltic states perceive an existential threat from Russia and call for forward deterrence. Germany’s strategic culture remains paralysed by historical guilt and commercial interests. France pursues strategic autonomy for national prestige rather than as a vehicle for collective European capability. Hungary acts as a systematic spoiler. Southern European states prioritise Mediterranean concerns over Eastern European security.
These are not differences of emphasis — they are differences in fundamental interest and historical experience that render unified strategic agency a category error.
The European Parliament can pass resolutions. The European Commission can publish defence white papers. EU summits can issue joint declarations of impressive length and negligible operational consequence.
None of this amounts to strategic coherence.
None of it translates into deployable capability, unified command, or the collective political will that genuine security provision demands.
Europe is, and will remain for the foreseeable future, a collection of sovereign states whose instinct, when pressure mounts, is to pursue national advantage rather than collective action — and to look to Washington to absorb the strategic residual.
The Reckoning Is Justified
Whatever its precise motivations, the Trump administration’s decision to reduce the U.S. troop presence in Germany lands on terrain that independent strategic analysis has been preparing for years.
The United States has subsidised European security to a degree that has actively undermined European strategic seriousness.
Conditionality — the introduction of genuine consequences for persistent free-riding — is not antagonism. It is the minimum requirement for a sustainable alliance.
Europe now faces a choice it has avoided for eighty years: develop genuine strategic autonomy, with all the fiscal and political costs that entails, or openly acknowledge that it remains a strategic dependent and negotiate the terms of that dependency honestly.
What it cannot continue to do — though it will certainly try — is to enjoy American security guarantees while resenting the power that provides them, to spend below any credible defence threshold while demanding alliance solidarity, and to present its own institutional dysfunction as evidence of American unreliability.
The invoice has arrived.
Europe’s indignation is, under the circumstances, particularly unconvincing.
Anchorage Group
Italia
Roberto.Pucciano@anchoragegroup.org